Renewable energy systems offer a possibility but not a certainty for more democratic energy futures.
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CZECHOSLOVAKIA’S FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS CUBA AFTER 1989
Abstract Inspired by the energy democracy movement, this conceptual review critically explores relationships between concentrated or distributed renewable energy and political power. So you end up exposing the small fry, but not the people who were actually running the system. Two aspects, however, mitigate these reservations. The criticism of the lustration law came from international institutions such as the Council of Europe and the International Labor Organization, 15 and above all from New York human rights and media circles.
The communist leaders responsible for preparing the invasion of their country and ushering in the harshest neo-Stalinist repression in post Central Europe retired quietly to their luxury villas without facing any kind of retribution. As for the case of Jan Kavan, the comparison with Dreyfus is simply preposterous.
He was accused of collaboration with the secret police and after admittedly acrimonious press treatment appealed against the verdict of the lustration commission in the courts. None of us is just its victim: we are all also its creators. Independent courts should impartially consider the possible guilt of those who were responsible for the persecutions, so that the truth about our recent past may be fully revealed. So, Havel the moralist and thinker knows that no amount of rhetoric or legal measures should spare the Czechs confronting the deeper issues of the traumas and responsibilities for the decades of totalitarianism.
The truth, as with Havel, is more complicated than the political stereotype.
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Thus, neither Havel nor Klaus quite fit the divide on decommunization between moderates and radicals usually associated with their names. First came the emphasis on the acceleration of economic reform, rapid privatization and marketization to dismantle the social base of the old regime. Decommunization certainly was an important divisive issue between Czechs and Slovaks in the run-up to the velvet divorce. The breakup with communism and the split with Slovakia overlapped at least in the minds of some of their instigators. Yet it is revealing and deserves attention in several respects.
First, it suspended the statute of limitations for political crimes committed between and Secondly, it introduces the idea that the political representation has as part of its mission to legislate on history. In this process, groups of victims use the recent progress made in the promotion of human rights to seek compensation as well as moral and political condemnation.
Yet the question remains: can you revise history by law? And is an officially provided version helpful in understanding the historical process and the coming to terms with the past?
Vaclav Havel's Legacy And The Future Of Cuba - ASCE
The issue is directly related to the previous one. Some six million people passed through the Czechoslovak Communist Party at some point since Ironically, several prominent members of the Klaus government at the time were former members some of them very recent ones of the criminal organization and thus concerned as co-responsible en bloc for the misdeeds of the period — None of them resigned.
On one hand the country went further than most in attempting to legislate on the criminal nature of the old regime. Yet none of the leading criminals were brought to justice to account for their crimes.
Although that figure has since been somewhat reduced it remains the strongest Party in the country in terms of membership , and organizational structure. Unlike its reformist counterparts in Poland, Hungary, or even Slovakia, it remains an unreconstructed party, unwilling and unable to face the communist past. Its isolation on the political scene after is obviously the price to pay for the scorched earth policy it followed after and its inability to reinvent itself after One of the difficulties in coming to terms with the communist past stems from the specific ideological nature of the communist regimes and their prime reliance, in post-Stalinist Central Europe, on non-violent means of coercion.
It has been with us at least since and certainly since And that in turn allows us to assess in what respects the terms of the debate have changed with the steady exhaustion of the ideology. They defended that road so valiantly that they were forced to execute many people.
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Later it became clear that there was no paradise, that the enthusiasts were therefore murderers. We were deceived! We were true believers! Deep in our hearts we are innocent! Is the quest for justice synonymous with the quest for historical truth? Members of Parliament may make such claims.www.hiphopenation.com/mu-plugins/wiki/cymyf-dating-online-vergleich.php
Historians should think twice. In the Czech case they have been, until recently, rather absent from the debate.
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Its budget of million crowns is well above that of academic institutions, the biggest investment in the national past since the founding of the National Museum in the 19th century. All secret police files are being made available on the Internet and revelations about their content are regularly provided by researchers of the institute in the media.
The former unfortunately does not necessarily lead to the latter.